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For the French society at large that might be an argument. This book is not yet featured on Listopia. Jewish and Palestinian workers unity in Israel today faussaifes well for future struggles. As Robert Darnton has brilliantly intellecyuels, pamphlets were at the heart of the genre.
Along with a relatively small number of traditional media overseen by state and corporate interests, there is a growing market in nontraditional media.
I am not even aware the show took place. The era of Apostrophes, which went off the air innow seems golden. Predictably, their titles usually end in exclamation marks.
A professor at the University of Paris and director of the Institute for International and Strategic Relations, Boniface has written dozens of books, served as a foreign-policy adviser to the Socialist Party, and, not least in the nation that gave us Michel Platini and Zinedine Zidane, is secretary general of the Football Foundation, an organization dedicated to promoting the values of tolerance and respect on the soccer field.
After January , it emerged as the key mediator and power broker in the initial phase of the revolution, when all political players trusted and needed it. And it was at the initiative of the union that the committee regulating the transition to the elections of 23 October was formed.
UGTT was instrumental in its expansion and constitution as a body to control the interim government and run the transition to the election of the National Constituent Assembly, under the new name, The Higher Authority for Realisation of the Objectives of the Revolution, Political Reform and Democratic Transition as an amalgamation between the original commission and the Council for the Protection of the Revolution set up by UGTT, political parties and civil society organizations.
See testimony by Ben Achour dated 30 April in Temimi.
Observatory Vol. Mohamed-Salah Omri 23 to secure historic victories for its members and for workers in general, including an agreement to secure permanent contracts for over , temporary workers and pay raises for several sectors, including teachers, as well as a rise in the minimum wage for the agricultural sector.
As Tunisia moved from the period of revolutionary harmony in which UGTT played host and facilitator, to a political, and even ideological phase, characterised by a multiplicity of parties and polarisation of public opinion, the union was challenged to keep its engagement in politics without falling under the control of a particular party or indeed turning into one. But, due to historical reasons, which saw leftists channel their energy into trade unionism when their political activities were curtailed, UGTT remained on the left side of politics and, in the face of rising Islamist power, became a place where the Left, despite its many newly-formed parties, kept its ties and even strengthened them.
But they, in turn, could not ignore its role and its status, nor could other parties, particularly the newly formed, centrist party, Nida Tunis.
At the grassroots level, Islamists kept their membership and took part in UGTT-led labour action, and continue to do so today. At the level of leadership, and after attempts to weaken it by supporting a parallel union as I mentioned above, they were compelled to settle with the fact that the organization held the key to social peace in the country.
Union leaders are known to be experienced negotiators and patient and tireless activists. They honed their skills over decades of settling disputes and negotiating deals. For these reasons, they were able to conduct marathon negotiations with the opposing parties and remain above accusations of outright bias.
This is not an isolated initiative or a new one by UGTT. In fact as early as , the union served as leader and convenor of Tunisian civil society against French rule.
UGTT between post-revolution dynamics and limited ambition With a labour movement engrained in the political culture of the country, and at all levels, a culture of trade unionism has become a component of Tunisian society. Yet, there has not been a proper sociology of this despite the important implications to Tunisia as a whole.
The unevenness runs largely along the degree of unionisation and militancy. For example, the education sector tended to be the most vocal and most organised. Agricultural workers and white-collar workers are also unionized, and even intellectuals had to work within the confines of or in synch with unions. For the political Left, one challenge after has been in fact how to move away from being trade unionists and become politicians; in other words, how to think beyond small issues and using unionist means in order to tackle wider issues and adopt their attendant methods.
This meant finding different and broader bases for political alliances and laying out projects for society at large, rather than for sectors or sections of it. This was no new trend, UGTT officials assured me. Mohamed-Salah Omri 25 how post alliances have broadly kept the same patterns operating within UGTT before the revolution. The Popular Front, which is made up mainly of the parties that have affiliation within the executive bureau of the UGTT, has not had much success in recruiting members from outside its union bases.
The interface between UGTT and the student and women movements which are both exceptionally active in Tunisia has been significant and not without paradoxes. The UGET, which was founded in , has worked closely with the UGTT since then and both would gradually move away from the ruling party, albeit at a different pace. The radicalisation and even what might be termed the leftist turn in unionism in fact finds some of its roots in this flow, as the university in Tunisia, particularly in the s, 70s and 80s was a space of radical activism and left wing politics, which was barred from open political organization under successive governments.
On the Popular Front and its composition, see the same publication. In Tunisia, this is particularly important as the role of women has been a marking feature of the society at large and of its protest culture in particular throughout the post-independent period, within and outside the labor movement.
The union has also been accused of bureaucracy and corruption at the top level, which triggered several attempts at internal reform and even rebellion over the years. There is in fact considerable power and money associated with being a top union official in Tunisia, which, in a climate of rampant corruption led many leaders to collude with businesses and the government; the discredited former Secretary General Tayeb Sahbbani is an example of this.
But this had less effect on grass-root support, local chapters and the middle cadre of the union. Since , UGTT seems to have regained the cohesion it lacked during the Ben Ali period when the gap between the leadership and the grassroots was wide.
Yet, the practice of democracy and plurality in Tunisia over the past half century was almost the exclusive domain of the university and the trade unions. Both had electoral campaigns for office, sometimes outside the control of the state, as was the case in the university during the s and 80s. In fact, the state stepped in specifically to quell such practices when the outcome was not in its favour.
Two memorable incidents testify to this. The first one was in , when the majority of students defeated the ruling party lists and secured the independence of the UGET. The second was in when the ruling party was overruled by the UGTT leadership, as I mentioned above.
In both cases, the government proceeded to take over or ban the unions. It is no surprise that two of these have led the reconciliation effort and that all four worked in concert and at the forefront of preserving the aims of the revolution, particularly freedom, dignity and the right to work. The coming together of these associations has, I argue, mutually affected all of them, not only in terms of widening the field of protest, but also in terms of bringing to the fore the wider issues of human rights and freedoms.
Democratic practice was therefore linked not to the normal running of society, i. This gave democracy a militant edge, which it did not lose, but which also affected its character.
It was in a sense a democratic act Mohamed-Salah Omri 27 to protect the union against non-democratic dominant forces, including and chiefly the ruling party and its student and labour arms. The practice of citizenship was not possible during the authoritarian rule of the one-party system while elections in the UGTT and other key civil society organizations were not aimed necessarily at producing the leadership most capable of advancing union professional interests and demands, but to keep the ruling party at bay.
Hence the weak presence, if not outright absence, of ruling party members in most union offices for decades. The gradual coming together of these strong civil society institutions shaped a critical mass whose weight was impossible to ignore.
Attempts to dominate this coalition aimed at shaping the future of the country and its revolution as a whole. The Al-Nahda party, for example, ignored this coalition for a while, but ended up accepting the solution the UGTT and its partners negotiated, when they realized that an open alliance of the UGTT with the opposition in a coalition would become hard to beat.
Security Client-side TLS 1. KeyStore enhancements, including the new Domain KeyStore type java. For more information, see the blog at fxexperience. See the javadoc for more information. The 3D Graphics features now include 3D shapes, camera, lights, subscene, material, picking, and antialiasing.
The Camera API class has also been updated in this release. See the corresponding class javadoc for javafx. Enhanced text support including bi-directional text and complex text scripts such as Thai and Hindi in controls, and multi-line, multi-style text in text nodes.